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Challenge and opportunity of the PP in Catalonia

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Challenge and opportunity of the PP in Catalonia

In the last general elections, the constitutionalist parties obtained 55.8 percent of the votes in the Catalonia constituency – 69.8 percent if we add the results of the extreme left of Sumar –, with the Popular Party as the third most voted formation. The three nationalist formations –ERC, Junts and the CUP– remained at 27.6 percent of the votes and only the tactics of the President of the Government, Pedro Sánchez, explains why the Catalan separatist movement has regained breath, visibility and, fundamentally, , a determining influence on Spanish politics.

Let’s face it that, in Catalonia, the extrapolation of national elections, with an abstention of 37 percent, to the results of regional elections, with much higher abstention rates – in the 2021 call, 48 percent did not vote, 7 percent of the electoral roll – always presents many difficulties, but this does not prevent us from pointing out that the Popular Party, against the insidious propaganda campaign of La Moncloa, is very far from being a residual party in the Principality and that the next The May event is both a challenge and an opportunity for the forces of Alberto Núñez Feijóo and his Catalan candidate, Alejandro Fernández.

It is a challenge because, once the coalition with Ciudadanos is frustrated, the success of the PP will depend, on the one hand, on the attraction of the orphan vote of the orange party, which in the July general elections went to a certain extent to the PSC, and , on the other hand, in getting the voters of Vox, a party that maintains a stable ground in Catalonia of around 7 percent, to opt for the exercise of the useful vote and reinforce the positions of the constitutionalist center-right to ensure that it is decisive in the Chamber Catalan.

And it is an opportunity because the Popular Party offers the citizens of Catalonia concerned about the drift that nationalism is taking, towards a reissue of the “procés” through a self-determination referendum extracted from the President of the Government as compensation for the parliamentary support that allows him remain in La Moncloa–, a moderate alternative, respectful of the Catalan institutions based on the conviction in the benefits of the Spanish autonomous system and the experience of an economic management model that is having undeniable success in the communities they govern. A strong Catalan popular party is also a guarantee against the worst political omens, both in Madrid and Barcelona.

Only the largest possible grouping of constitutionalism can ward off the instability of a central Executive supported by the independentists and subjected to their growing demands. In this regard, we do not believe that it is necessary to look for more arguments than the reality experienced by the entire Spanish society.

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